Politikere i Kosóva

Udgiver: Kultursociolog Bjørn Andersen

Kontakt: post@bjoerna.dk




Biografierne bygger på oplysninger fra forskellig side.

Siden er under etablering - og skal ses som et supplement til »Albansk Navnebog 2000«.



Bakalli, Mahmut

Født omkring 1937. Kosóva Albansk leder (Formand for Kommunisterne) frem til sin (tvungne) tilbagetræden omkring '81. Kritikken af ham er refereret i »Fra Kosovo til Kosóva« s. 108. Efterfulgt af sin forgænger Veli Deva, der var accepteret fra »begge« sider og skulle sikre Kosóva for Jugoslavien. Er fortsat meget interesseret i politik - ... og har jagt som hobby. Deltog i Project Ethnic Relations' The New York Roundtable: Toward Peaceful Accommodation In Kosovo 970407-970409. Deltog i USIP's Landsdowne-konference i september '99 som »uafhængig« og som leder af Kosóva's Medie Bestyrelse. Har omkring 1999 / 2000 bistået Ramush Haradinaj med at opbygge et parti. Fra: »Albansk Navnebog 2000« (bearbejdet).



Demaçi, Adem

Se: Adem Demaçi [Adem Demaci]



Ivanovic, Oliver

000531 Lederen af Serberne i Mitrovica - Oliver Ivanovic - er blevet interviewet af dagbladet »Danas« (Beograd). Han siger at Serberne i Mitrovica ikke er styret fra Beograd selv om Grancanica-fløjen siger det er tilfældet (noget andet er at folk der var ansat i den offentlige sektor frem til krigen stadig får deres løn fra Beograd), at Grancanica-fløjen - ledet af Biskop Artemije - ikke har folkets støtte, og at han må tage afstand fra dens samarbejde med UNMIK m.fl., at Serbernes værste fjender er dem selv, fordi de har tabt meget ved uenighed og splittelse, at han tager afstand fra yderliggående Serbere som står på et helt anakronistisk standpunkt om ideologisk og etnisk intolerance, at han finder udtalelser om at Hæren og Politiet vil vende tilbage aldeles urealistiske - og mest beregnet på et publikum i Serbien, og han mener at det i mange år vil være utænkeligt at Serbere og Albanere kan leve sammen i Kosova. Mitrovica vil derfor vedblive med at være en delt by. Først når mange flygtninge er vendt tilbage og der efterhånden har udviklet sig økonomiske forbindelser mellem Serbere og Albanere kan der skabes grundlag for en egentlig reintegration. Ivanovic oplyser at man umiddelbart arbejder for at 6-7.000 Serbere kan vende tilbage i midten af September til området ved Osajane-dalen og Klina, men at de pågældende må være stærkt organiseret, da de må påregne at skulle klare sig selv. ... Man burde i 80'erne og 90'erne have arbejdet bedre med »national homogenisering« (? fordeling af befolkningen efter etniske grupper?), men man tabte meget 'på gulvet' ved dén måde man handlede.

»Glas Javnosti« i Beograd har offentliggjort en biografisk skitse om Oliver Ivanovic fra Mitrovica. Skitsen er oversat til Engelsk af Snezana Lazovic:

By ZORICA VULIC



Beginnings - Born on April 1, 1953 in the village of Rznic, near Decani. His father, Bogdan, was a history teacher; his mother, Olga (nee Nikcevic), was a teacher of Serbian language. The Ivanovic clan originates from Kuce [Montenegro] and most of them live in Doljani (near Podgorica). This region is renowned for good grapes from which grape brandy [lozovaca] is made which Montenegrins treasure "for medicinal purposes". Oliver's great-grandfather, Nastadin, was a brigadier general in the Montenegrin army.

Childhood - He was a quiet and obedient child but he dreamed of one day flying of into the skies on "a bird with wings of steel". (He failed to satisfy vision requirements.)

Nationality - Montenegrin.

Religious affiliation - Orthodox. Celebrates St. Nicholas as his patron saint.

Education - Started school in his native Decani; the Ivanovic family then moved into what was then called Titovska Mitrovica [for Josip Broz Tito]. He completed elementary school there and the secondary technical school for machinists. He then enrolled in the Military Academy in Zagreb but abandoned his studies after three years. This was followed by student days at the Faculty of Machine Engineering in Mitrovica, which he completed in three years [the program of study is five years]. Eager for knowledge, he decided to study economics in Pristina. (This diploma should be frameable in the near future; even though rumor has it that he hasn't touched a book in the last two years, he only has two exams left.)

Career - He began in "Trans Kosovo", the Mitrovica transportation company, where he was technical director and deputy general director. Later he was sole director of the ceramic tile company located, of course, in Mitrovica. Then he opted for a change and became the deputy general director in "Feronikal", the former corporate giant from Glogovac.

Well aware of the fact that looks do count, starting in the 1970's he begins to train in karate. Like any other Montenegrin young man, he developed an affinity for combat sports. He currently holds the black belt - fourth day. (He won the championship in Kosovo, second and third places in competitions in Croatia, and trained in and then presided over the "Trepca" Karate Club in Kosovska Mitrovica.)

Party affiliation - He became a member of the League of Communists in 1971 and he withdrew his membership when the multiparty system came to Serbia. "I am absolutely open to all ideas and options. No one owns me, I refuse to permit ownership by political parties. I have been elected by the people," he claims, convinced that his is the only way out of our crisis. Currently he is the president of the executive board of the Serbian National Council [of Kosovska Mitrovica] and a leader of the Mitrovica Serbs.

Items of interest - He became active in politics in June of last year when twenty young men called on him, as their karate trainer, to help them in confronting the Shiptar [Albanian] terror. In July they became politically organized and it became apparent the Kosovo Serbs were not immune to the infamous barb "Two Serbs, three political parties" (as a result of the larger, already existing organization of the Kosovo Serbs spearheaded by Bishop Artemije and [formerly] Momcilo Trajkovic). Since then the talk has been of a division of the Kosmet Serbs into those from the north and those from the central regions.

"It is easier for me because Mitrovica retained its intellectual structure. Physicians, professors, attorneys, economists, engineers... they stayed here," says Ivanovic while Momcilo Trajkovic, his "blood enemy" says: "The position of the Serbs in the two regions is indeed quite different but you cannot have someone who is interested in Kosovo as far as the Ibar River, and someone who is interested beyond the Ibar River." His insistence on the consistent implementation of Resolution 1244 and his stance that "the issue of Serb returns at this moment is most important issue and must not be politicized," while at the same time never missing an opportunity to strike out at the bishop of Raska and Prizren and the leader of the "central Kosovans" for "politicizing returns", have caused those who don't like him that claim that he enjoys the support of Belgrade. He, of course, denies this and humbly adds: "All attempts to destroy our authority among the people have been unsuccessful. We have the support of 90 percent of the population of the northern part of Kosovo."

Friends stress that he is leading "northerners" through the Kosovo crisis and the labyrinth more like a manager and sports trainer, less in a manner typical of politics. He is especially renown as a man who answers questions which have not yet been asked in such a manner that each sentence can be interpreted "this way or that".

He is married and has three sons. 



Sava (Janjic), Fader

»BETAWEEK« (E) July 6 [2000] - skriver om Fader Sava:

BIOGRAPHY

A Career: Father Sava Janjic

DIPLOMAT IN PRIEST'S ROBES

The young and until two years ago anonymous monk of the Visoki Decani Monastery in Kosovo, Father Sava Janjic, with the culmination of the Kosovo crisis, became one of the most renowned representatives of the Serb community in that province, who with his bold and persistent advocacy for democratic solutions, moral and intellectual superiority, earned an undoubted authority among the international community and the respect of moderate Albanians in Kosovo. 





Finding himself in a situation unparalleled to any a Serb priest had found himself in during recent Serb history, Father Sava, together with his spiritual father, Bishop Artemije of Raska and Prizren, preached reconciliation, common sense and Christian charity during the bloody ethnic war in Kosovo in 1998-1999, condemning crimes and aiding the innocent population, regardless of their nationality. 

Immediately after the NATO intervention against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the withdrawal of the Yugoslav forces from Kosovo, he was the first to openly speak of the violence and "horrible crimes" committed against Albanian civilians, directly accusing Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic.

 "I want to say that there were various armed formations, which unfortunately had a hand in the mass expulsion of the population, which in the majority of cases was not running from the bombs, but as a result of systematic expulsion, plunder of property and other forms of violence of which we now daily find traces for which the unfortunate Serb people in Kosovo now have to foot the bill," said Father Save in an interview to the NIN weekly in July 1999.  

At that time he said that those who committed the crimes had to be first taken "before a court of their own people, and only afterward before an international court," adding that such acts must not remain unpunished, because "they represent a huge disgrace and shame perpetrated against everything that is chaste and holy among the Serb people." 

At the same time, however, he warned that UNMIK and KFOR were "facing defeat because they had not succeeded in creating a multi-ethnic Kosovo," since "hundreds of Serbs had been killed and kidnapped, thousands of houses had been burned, and more than 180,000 people had been expelled." 

The fact that together with Bishop Artemije his political engagement centered on the Serb National Council in Gracanica, attempting to establish cooperation with the U.N. mission and KFOR in order to find ways to protect the Serbs remaining in Kosovo and facilitate the return of those who fled, was enough for the authorities in Belgrade and the political leaders of the Serbs in northern Kosovo to label him a "traitor," one of "Kouchner's Serbs" and "the shame of Orthodoxy and the Church."

The rage of the internationally isolated government of President Milosevic is especially insisted by the numerous diplomatic missions of the leaders of the Gracanica-based Serb National Council, during which they have met with most of the senior officials of the EU and U.S. Father Sava plays a very significant role during those meetings. 

The belief that cooperation with UNMIK is the only way Serbs can survive in Kosovo, however, was not an obstacle of his ability to fiercely criticize the international community for its inability to protect the Serb population from the not infrequent attacks by Albanian terrorists.

"For the Serb community in Kosovo, the war is not over. After the official end of the war, our people continue to suffer, to be systematically irradicated, kidnapped and our churches and monasteries destroyed. These are not simple criminal acts. This is organized ethnic cleansing of the Serbs and that must come under the authority of The Hague-based Tribunal," he said in June of this year after meeting with the International Criminal Tribunal's chief prosecutor Carla del Ponte. 

Although as a member of the Gracanica-based Council he had met on numerous occasions with U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and other senior U.S. officials, after the wave of violence in June he blamed U.S. policies of "being behind Albanian terrorism in Kosovo" and the U.S. of being "a passive observer, who tolerates what is happening."  

"The aim of U.S. policy in Kosovo is not the creation of a multiethnic and tolerant society, but the creation of a greater Albanian state, based on terrorism," he assessed at the time. Father Sava believes that the greatest responsibility for the misfortunes of Kosovo lies with Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic, whose "irresponsible policies and violence led to the war." 

"Behind it Milosevic's regime has left ruins, mass graves, robbed homes and poor defenseless Serbs now paying for deeds of his generals," he believes.

He sees the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church in Kosovo as steering the political process "towards a direction that will allow the survival of our people and the creation of better living conditions," so that "once legal and legally elected democratic institutions are established," the Church can withdraw from politics. 

"The Serb Church has said what is needed: the regime of President Milosevic must forever leave Serbia and allow the establishment of a contemporary democratic society. On the contrary, the damnation that has followed the Serb people for years with the Milosevic regime will continue to sow the seed of evil in Serbia and Montenegro," said Father Sava in an interview to the Danas daily in March of this year. 

He did not shy away from asking the Serb Patriarch Pavle to "apologize to the Serb people" for attending a Republic Day reception hosted by Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic on November 29, 1999. 

"The actions of his Holiness, and especially of his 'almighty' counsel, Episcope Irinej of Backa, who regularly takes him before Milosevic, thus scandalizing our people. In the past few years some episcopes have failed to recognize the times in which we are living and have allowed a godless regime to use the Church as its instrument to meet its political ends and maintain its authority," assessed Father Sava in January 2000.

Father Sava says that an unfortunate mixture of events forced him into "political and national" activities, which is exactly what he wanted to avoid when he joined the order of monks. 

Sava Janjic was born in Dubrovnik on Dec. 7, 1965. He graduated from elementary and secondary school in Trebinje. He studied English and Literature from 1985 to 1989 at the Faculty of Philology in Belgrade. He was received by the Crna Reka Monastery near Novi Pazar as a novice in 1989, while Bishop Artemije was the prior of the monastery. He became a monk on Nov. 14, 1990. He came to the Visoki Decani Monastery in 1992, together with Bishop Artemije, and stayed there until the end of the war in Kosovo, in June 1999.

He has been Bishop Artemije's personal secretary since 1998, and with the outbreak of major conflicts in Kosovo, in that same year, he became known as a result of the internet domain http://www.decani.yunet.com/home.html, where he published news and various views of the Kosovo crisis. Foreign journalists, among whom he is very popular, have given him the nickname "Cybermonk." Besides the web site, he also edits a news bulletin on the net, Kosovo Daily News, which has more than 1,000 visitors per day.  

He was soon allowed to preform [må være: perform] church rites as a monk and in January 1999 he was promoted to archsyncellous.

In June 1999, together with Bishop Artemije, he transferred to the Gracanica Monastery, where he is today the spokesman of the Serb National Council. 

He is a member of the Interim Council of Kosovo, the Joint Committee for the return of refugees and the Board of the independent Serb radio station. 

He translates church literature from the English and Greek languages. He speaks English and Greek, and passable German.




Rexhepi, Bajram



Under besøg hos KFOR-chefen 0203 (udsnit af KFOR-billede).

Læge. Borgmester i Mitrovica. Deltog i USIP’s Landsdowne-konference 9909. Blev hørt af den Amerikanske Kongres’ Udvalg for Internationale Relationer 0004. Deltog i USIPs Airlie-konference i juli '00.

Serbiske »B92« skrev 020305: »18:50 BELGRADE, Tuesday – Deputy Serbian Prime Minister Nebojsa Covic today hinted at the involvement of Kosovo's new prime minister in the murder of two Yugoslav soldiers in the province in 1999. »(Bajram) Rexhepi’s name keeps popping up in an event on May 30, 1999 – the murder of two Yugoslav soldiers,« Covic, Belgrade’s chief coordinator for Kosovo, told press. He pointed out that Rexhepi was a field surgeon for the rebel Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and said he had a »suitable nickname – ‘The Terrorist’«. Covic declined to comment further, saying it was best to wait until all the documentation on the murders is complete. The deputy premier suggested Rexhepi was a compromise candidate, claiming the UN’s Kosovo governor Michael Steiner had been forced to reject five others »because their hands were Bloodied«. Kosovo’s new prime minister later told B92 that he was not surprised to hear such accusations, since the authorities in Belgrade had always branded the KLA a terrorist organisation. »I had no opportunity to fight at the front because I was the only surgeon. But I went to fight for Kosovo's freedom, I was fighting for an ideal«, said Rexhepi, adding, »for me the war is over, and I remain a humanist, just as I was«. The premier said his government would not accept the Serb coalition’s proposal of a repatriation ministry since the cabinet posts have already been established under the agreement reached last week«.



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